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Covid gives Japan ‘last chance’ to reverse digital defeat

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Each day, dozens of residents in Tokyo’s Setagaya district visit an office to sign up for a My Number identification card. Officials take each visitor’s photo, make copies of their existing ID documents and ask them to write down four passwords. The information is sent back to the local government and it can take months before the card is issued.

The process has been slow because of Covid-related restrictions. Residents are asked to book appointments in advance and slots are limited to prevent overcrowding. One resident received a notice in May but her nearest office did not have a slot open until July.

The 12-digit My Number card, which can be used for making online applications for administrative procedures as well as for opening bank accounts and other services that require ID verification, could have flourished during Covid-19. Instead, it has become a symbol of a digitally ill-prepared Japan. The government launched the project in 2015 and spent ¥880bn ($8bn) to make and distribute the cards. But only 15 per cent of the population had received a card by the time the outbreak began.

That meant Japan had no choice but to rely on paper and manual labour, a system that has been largely unchanged for decades and has proved to be extremely inefficient during the pandemic.

My Number card
Only 15 per cent of Japan’s population had a My Number card by the time the Covid-19 outbreak began © Ken Kobayashi

Last year’s emergency cash handout programme required residents to fill in applications and send them by post. Municipalities had to print and mail the applications to households, set up call centres to respond to inquiries and manually process each application sent back to them. Residents had to make copies of ID documents, creating queues in convenience stores with printers. The policy was announced in April 2020 but municipalities could not start delivering the checks until June. “I called the help desk 200 times but couldn’t get through,” reads one complaint from an Osaka resident.

A year later, Japan is struggling with similar bottlenecks. Many countries operate online vaccine booking systems using residents’ IDs or mobile phone numbers. But Japan began its vaccination programme by having local municipalities send out physical vaccination tickets to eligible residents. The operation was both costly and slow, resulting in fewer than three doses administered per 100 people at the end of April. Frustrated, prime minister Yoshihide Suga instructed the Self-Defense Forces to operate large inoculation centres in Tokyo and Osaka. The SDF began doing so on May 24 and the number of daily vaccinations has since surged.

These are just some of the many policies that have since been summed up as Japan’s “digital defeat”.

This article is from Nikkei Asia, a global publication with a uniquely Asian perspective on politics, the economy, business and international affairs. Our own correspondents and outside commentators from around the world share their views on Asia, while our Asia300 section provides in-depth coverage of 300 of the biggest and fastest-growing listed companies from 11 economies outside Japan.

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The recent embarrassments have renewed a sense of urgency and prompted Suga to launch an all-out effort to go digital. He is setting up a powerful digital agency that is expected eventually to control the government’s entire IT system budget, which was worth about ¥800bn in the fiscal year 2020. By streamlining the software and standards across all ministries and local governments, he plans to expedite a digital overhaul of administrative procedures as well as of key sectors such as healthcare and education.

Suga has moved swiftly. He tapped Takuya Hirai, an IT expert within the ruling Liberal Democratic party, to set up the digital agency and appointed Taro Kono, known for his social media savvy, as the minister for administrative reform. Sweeping legal changes to enable the transfer of authority from each ministry and municipality were approved in May, paving the way for the agency’s scheduled launch in September.

The ingredients for a modern digital economy are already there. Japan was an early mover in building internet infrastructure and was on the cutting edge of mobile telephony until the introduction of smartphones. The country’s rapidly ageing population means there is strong demand to increase productivity through technology. Making bold moves to boost the digital competitiveness of the public and private sectors could add up to ¥79tn to Japan’s gross domestic product by 2030, estimates McKinsey Global Institute.

Takuya Hirai
Takuya Hirai, an IT expert within the Liberal Democratic party, is in charge of setting up the digital agency © Tetsuya Kitayama

Some experts say Suga faces an uphill battle in creating a competent digital organisation. The endeavour will require attracting talent from Japan’s tech sector, which is already making up for an engineer shortage by hiring foreign talent. Hirai has ruled out this solution. The digital agency, he said, “will not hire foreign nationals as civil servants”.

Unifying systems across ministries also means busting the sectionalism, or walls, built up within each bureau over decades, known as tatewari gyosei.

And a digital push in areas such as healthcare is already being met with hesitancy from the private sector. “This is asking for a fight,” said Timothy Langley, chief executive of consultancy Langley Esquire. “The set-up of a digital agency means: I’m going to take power from all of you ministries. You can’t hide any more.”

The idea is for the agency to combine top-down decision-making with the private sector’s tech expertise. It will be placed directly under the cabinet office and will be led by the prime minister, with the digital minister running the day-to-day operations. A digital expert will advise the minister, a post that Hirai said could go to a private sector hire. The agency plans for 120 of its 500 employees to come from the private sector and universities.

A chart showing Japan’s working-age and senior populations

Hirai has taken his “government as a start-up” slogan on a media blitz to promote the agency’s tech friendliness, appearing on talk shows on YouTube and social media apps such as Clubhouse. He has not minced his words in calling Japan’s past digital policies a failure. “This digital defeat is our last chance,” he declared during an online forum last year.

Hiring is being conducted by the information technology strategy office, a division of Japan’s Cabinet Secretariat. When the project was launched in September, Hirai tapped a group of young officials to lead on-the-ground operations. He also brought in tech industry executives as advisers. Discussions led to the IT strategy office awarding a contract to Tokyo-based start-up Herp to provide online software that manages the remote hiring process.

One adviser called this a symbolic move: the IT strategy office had previously told applicants to send in their documents by post.

“We are really a venture,” said Herp’s chief executive Ichiro Shoda, “so we have never done a government project. I think there was a credibility risk but I think we were chosen because [the officials] sympathised with our ideas.”

Shoda said his team was surprised by how quickly the members involved in the recruitment process were able to grasp its software. “Officials from ministries, external advisers and aides were all using our service. We didn’t spend much time explaining how to use it.”

Whether bureaucrats and engineers from the private sector can work in harmony will have big implications for Japan’s digital policies. A string of new laws recently passed by parliament defines the digital agency’s role as an “overall co-ordinator” and gives the digital minister authority to make recommendations to the heads of other government ministries and agencies. The agency also has the power to build core systems on its own.

Japanese citizens wearing masks in a subway
Mask use in Tokyo is close to 100% as citizens battle a pandemic that has left their government flustered © Ken Kobayashi

The projects it will oversee include having the entire population obtain a My Number card by March 2023, bringing 98 per cent of administrative procedures online by 2025, transferring data kept in each municipality to the cloud and creating a new digital category for civil servant exams.

The targets seem ambitious. In reality, they are goals that Japan’s peers have already been tackling for years. India launched its national identification system, Aadhaar, in 2010, and nearly all of its 1.3bn people have since registered. Singapore plans to make all government services available online by 2023. Only 7.5 per cent of Japan’s 55,765 administrative procedures could be completed online as of 2019, according to the Japan Research Institute.

Japan ranked 27th in the IMD World Digital Competitiveness Ranking 2020, down from 23rd in 2015. The fall contrasted with China’s rise from 33rd in 2015 to 16th and with South Korea, which jumped from 18th to eighth.

Japan was not always a laggard in digital technology. It built out its internet infrastructure by 2000, when it had the second most internet users in the world, just behind the US. In 2001, then prime minister Yoshiro Mori had a plan drafted for Japan to become a global IT leader within five years.

The country reached some goals, such as laying fibre-optic cables across the nation. But targets such as streamlining government IT systems were largely abandoned. That left each ministry and municipality to manage its own systems. Most organisations lacked technical expertise and outsourced the projects to system integrators such as NTT, Fujitsu and NEC, creating a fragmented environment in which data cannot be shared.

A chart showing digital competitiveness ranking of selected countries

One early IT adviser to the economy ministry said he was surprised by how new contracts were being awarded without much being completed. “It was like constructing a building without a door and then starting a door construction project,” the person recalled. “There was always an excuse for not being able to finish the original plan.”

The lack of change came to haunt the country during the pandemic. In February, the health ministry said it had found a glitch in its contact tracing app for Android users. The app failed to notify users when they came in close contact with another user who had tested positive for Covid-19. Health minister Norihisa Tamura shocked the public by admitting the app “essentially had not been functioning since September”.

Why did the ministry fail to notice the glitch for more than four months? In May 2020 the ministry awarded the contract to Persol Process & Technology, a subsidiary of staffing firm Persol Holdings. In turn, Persol subcontracted the project to five companies, a move it said was due to the short timeframe given to complete the project. Because the responsibilities were sliced up and spread across different companies, “there was no shared understanding over who was actually performing the final quality control”, the ministry concluded after investigating the issue.

Japan’s contact tracing app for Android users
The health ministry said in February it had found a glitch in its contact tracing app for Android users © Ken Kobayashi

Langley says the digital agency should shoot for some quick victories to gain the public’s trust. Those would include abolishing the hanko stamps that the Japanese use instead of signatures and shedding a reliance on fax machines, especially at local government offices.

Bigger reforms such as in the healthcare system are more challenging and cracks are already starting to appear. Plans to enable the My Number card to be used as an insurance card at hospitals, dentists and drugstores were delayed from the initial target date in late March. The health ministry blamed errors in some of the insurance data registered in the system. But many hospitals are also wary of the additional system costs. The ministry had planned to start trials at 500 hospitals and pharmacies but only 54 joined.

The use of overseas cloud services to store and analyse data is another potential landmine. Japan has no local equivalent to services provided by US tech giants Amazon and Microsoft. Some parts of the government already use cloud services such as Amazon Web Services. But “will the prime minister allow his own medical records to be stored on AWS?” wondered a health ministry adviser. “The debate is just starting.”

Hirai believes that starting the debate is an important step forward. “Gathering the authority of each ministry and agency in one place, including the budget . . . consensus building for such a move will not be possible unless it is an emergency,” he said earlier this year. “The sense of speed is unprecedented but it is probably the only way to do it.”

A version of this article was first published by Nikkei Asia on June 15 2021. ©2021 Nikkei Inc. All rights reserved.

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Emily Dean on how allyship amplifies the female experience on film

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When I was six years old, I decided to be an artist. When I was 12, I decided to be a filmmaker. And instead of saying no, you can’t do that, or it’s not possible, my mum bought me a video camera.

After several years of working in the industry, I’m working with a female director for the first time. And it’s been such a gratifying experience. Women express leadership in different ways. Maybe you don’t have to be the loudest person in the room. But you can have great ideas.

And the best thing about being mentored by women and being a mentor to women is that make friends with women.

There’s something so powerful the women coming alongside other women, especially in a group setting. Because it means that you can and back each other up. You can support each other’s decisions, and you can amplify each other’s voices.

It’s about seeing yourself in your work. Seeing some part of yourself reflected is really gratifying. It’s also important that we speak up for female characters. I want to see girls and women on screen who have the whole cacophony of experience of what it’s like to be female.

I want to see their flaws. I want to feel their struggles. I want to see their joy. That is so important to making a character feel real. And it took me a little while to settle into myself and realise, if the characters I like to come up with are not your everyday run of the mill characters you see in animation, that’s fine. Because this is who I am.

When you walk into a story room, when you’re working on a film, you have to leave your ego at the door. I think that can be interpreted like keep your ego out of the work. But I’d also say for women who are maybe more shy that leaving your ego at the door means you walk in. And your job is to focus on what’s best for the story and for the film.

The story needs you. The film needs you, and it needs your best ideas. It won’t thrive unless you speak up.



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Crimea ‘water war’ opens new front in Russia-Ukraine conflict

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When a cyclone drenched Crimea in rainfall last month, rivers burst their banks and thousands of people in the Russia-annexed peninsula had to be evacuated from the floods.

The silver lining to the deluge was that the rains also filled Crimea’s depleted reservoirs, temporarily alleviating a crisis brought on by an extended drought and a Ukrainian blockade of the Soviet-built canal that previously provided up to 85 per cent of the peninsula’s water supplies.

Moscow’s struggle to supply Crimea’s 2.4m residents with fresh water has become a flashpoint in an undeclared war, seven years after Russian troops seized Crimea from Ukraine. An even longer conflict between Kyiv and Russian-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine has claimed more than 14,000 lives.

Russia has accused Ukraine of “genocide” over the building of a concrete dam across the North Crimean Canal, in addition to the existing sandbag and earth dam that was built in 2014. Kyiv fears that Moscow is plotting a military incursion to secure water flows from the nearby Dnipro river.

Coupled with surging food prices and international isolation because of western sanctions, the water shortages threaten to undermine President Vladimir Putin’s promise of a better life for Crimeans under Russian rule.

Though state-run pollsters claim Putin remains more popular in Crimea than on average across Russia, the patriotic fervour that sent his approval ratings to record levels after the 2014 annexation has long since subsided.

Map showing Ukraine and the North Crimean Canal, Crimea

“The water reserves and fields have dried up,” said Viktor, 47, a Crimean who regularly travels to Ukraine for work. “Each year it’s getting worse and worse. We didn’t have this problem before annexation,” he said, adding that most Crimeans blamed Ukraine for the crisis.

A $3.7bn bridge across the Kerch Strait linking Crimea with mainland Russia has become a conduit for trucks ferrying water for locals to take away in plastic containers. Popular Black Sea tourist resorts can turn on their taps for just a few hours a day during peak droughts, while the canal has filled with grass and weeds.

Crimea’s agricultural output has fallen owing to a lack of irrigation, making it all but impossible to grow water-intensive crops such as rice.

Construction of the canal began in 1957 after the Soviet Union transferred the arid peninsula to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic to manage rebuilding after the second world war. The waterway allowed for the cultivation of arable land and helped transform Crimea into a haven for tourists.

“The canal symbolises the stupidity of the Kremlin in occupying Crimea. They didn’t weigh the consequences at a moment of electoral euphoria that was fed by their own propaganda,” said Oleksiy Reznikov, Ukraine’s deputy prime minister in charge of reintegration policies for the occupied territories.

“Why didn’t you think about water?” he asked.

The North Crimean Canal is seen with a low level of water
The severely depleted North Crimean Canal previously provided up to 85% of the peninsula’s water supplies © Pierre Crom/Getty

Workers collect potatoes on the North Crimean Canal
Workers collect potatoes on the North Crimean Canal. Ukraine blocked the irrigation channel after Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea © Pierre Crom/Getty

Russia, while pressing Ukraine to reopen the waterway, has launched a Rbs50bn ($680m) programme to bolster Crimea’s supplies, repairing crumbling infrastructure, drilling wells, adding storage and desalination capacity.

Russian prosecutors last week filed a lawsuit in the European Court of Human Rights accusing Ukraine of “flagrant violations” over the issue. Crimea’s governor plans to file a separate complaint demanding up to Rbs1.5tn in compensation.

“Kyiv has essentially used Crimea’s infrastructure dependence on Ukraine, which came about in the Soviet era, as a weapon of mass destruction against all Crimeans. The water blockade is an act of state terrorism and ecocide, but the international community is failing to notice the Kyiv regime’s crimes,” Sergei Aksyonov, the peninsula’s governor, said in written comments to the Financial Times.

Reznikov said Russia, as the occupation force, was responsible under the Geneva Conventions for securing water and other basic needs for local the population. Ukraine has filed its own multi-billion-dollar claims against Russia, citing losses caused by what it describes as an illegal land grab.

With tensions rising, Russia deployed tens of thousands of troops and advanced weapons to Crimea this spring, as well as to the border of the two breakaway eastern regions where Moscow-backed separatists have battled government troops into an eighth year.

Col Kyrylo Budanov, chief of Ukraine’s army intelligence unit, said Russia was looking to seize the canal as well as adjacent territory to connect Crimea with the breakaway regions. Russian troops could advance on Nova Kakhovka, the Dnipro river town where the canal begins.

Some Crimean Tatars, an indigenous ethnic group whose members largely opposed Russia’s annexation, have set up a makeshift camp near the dams to make sure the water flow does not resume.

A Crimean Tatar activist on the North Crimean Canal
A Crimean Tatar activist enters his base on the North Crimean Canal. Tatars have set up camp to make sure the water flow does not resume © Pierre Crom/Getty

A Ukraine military vehicle drives past a Soviet monument marking the entrance to Brylivka
A Ukraine military vehicle drives past a Soviet monument marking the entrance to Brylivka, a village on the North Crimean Canal © Pierre Crom/Getty

“It will be a full-scale war,” said a 55-year-old activist who gave his name as Alibaba. He said he and his fellow activists were willing to take up arms to defend the blockaded canal. “There will be nowhere to hide in these fields. Let them try,” he added.

At the Kalanchak border crossing near the new dam, Russian and Ukrainian troops have dug trench positions a few hundred meters apart.

Tensions have also flared in the Black Sea, not just with Ukraine but also with western navies. Russia fired warning shots in the path of a British destroyer sailing through contested waters off Crimea last month. Sevastopol, Crimea’s largest city, is home to Russia’s Black Sea fleet.

Moscow has insisted it would not go to war over Crimea’s water supplies, even as it conceded that Ukraine was unlikely to restore them. “All these hysterical statements from Ukrainian politicians are completely baseless — they’re just stupid, aggressive propaganda aimed at inciting hatred between the Russian and Ukrainian people. There won’t be any ‘water war’,” Crimea governor Aksyonov said.

Reznikov, the Ukrainian minister, said Kyiv was ready to provide Crimea with humanitarian assistance, including drinking water, which it already does for the separatist-run eastern territories, but no request had been made.

“For Russia to admit they’re weak is very difficult . . . it would amount to an admission that they made the wrong decision,” he said.



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