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CLOs draw in new support after showing resilience

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One of Wall Street’s hottest hedge funds has pulled in a quarter of a billion dollars from a small group of investors seeking out returns from an obscure corner of capital markets: collateralised loan obligations.

Diameter Capital, which posted a 24 per cent gain in its main hedge fund last year, intends to use the seed money to structure and sell its first six CLOs, which bundle together risky company loans and use them to back interest payments on slices of new debt, each with different levels of risk and return.

The asset class nestles just on the fringe of markets, dominated by specialists, but demand is now rising more broadly. The combined $250m investment in Diameter from alternative asset managers Apollo Global Management and Corbin Capital, and the pension fund of renewable energy company Babcock & Wilcox, also hints at a shift towards the mainstream.

“CLOs have survived the market swoon intact,” said Bret Leas, who runs Apollo’s structured credit business. “Therefore the asset class continues to gain more widespread acceptance. It’s no longer niche.”

Part of the allure for investors is that the CLO market offers a way to improve returns now that low interest rates have made higher-yielding assets scarce. 

Total issuance of CLOs in the US this year is running at a record pace around $70bn, according to data from S&P Global Market Intelligence, with the total market now sitting at $770bn outstanding, according to Citi. The bank predicts it will grow to $850bn by the end of the year.

“It is a source of return in a world where there are not many obvious returns,” said Craig Bergstrom, chief investment officer at Corbin, who noted Diameter’s record as part of the $8.5bn investment manager’s decision to invest. Once interest has been paid to debt investors in the CLO, whatever is left flows through to the equity holders that have provided seed capital.

CLOs have been viewed sceptically in the past. Before the pandemic struck, regulators had expressed concerns that they had facilitated risky lending with weaker standards, and that they could lay the groundwork for a future credit crisis. 

But CLO participants now feel vindicated, arguing that a strong rebound from the depths of the coronavirus-induced fall in markets has proved the resilience of the structure and offered comfort to cautious investors, even if critics still point to the large amount of assistance provided by the Federal Reserve that helped all credit markets — from bonds to loans — recover.

Column chart of Monthly US CLO issuance ($bn) showing CLO issuance surges as industry makes play to become mainstream

Even CLO equity investors, most exposed to the default of underlying issuers, largely ended 2020 with positive, single-digit returns, according to multiple industry sources.

“CLOs have come out pretty unblemished,” said Scott Snell at credit fund Tetragon, which invests in both the debt and equity of CLOs. “If liquidity had not been provided by the Fed, CLOs would have been more adversely impacted but it also would have been more challenging for all markets, not just CLOs.”

Eager to capitalise on the demand, a host of fund managers has sought to enter the market or expand their business.

As a result, some market participants expect consolidation among CLO managers. There are 135 CLO managers in the US, according to Citi, with 50 of them managing less than $2bn. Industry veterans say that depending on the fees charged and the size of the team, it typically takes $2bn to $3bn in assets to break even. 

However, few M&A deals have emerged with both new and existing managers seemingly preferring tie-ups akin to Diameter’s. 

Diameter’s launch follows York Capital ceding control of its CLO business to a new entity called Generate Advisors earlier this year, partnering with Kennedy Lewis Investment Management who will provide a $200m equity contribution to future deals. Kayne Anderson in January raised $600m in a fund to invest in the equity of both its own and other managers’ CLO deals. 

This is Apollo’s fifth partnership, starting with an equity financing for CLO manager Gulf Stream in 2011, with three others in between. 

“We preferred to build something ourselves that we can infuse with our DNA as opposed to buying a business that’s struggling on another platform,” said Scott Goodwin, who co-founded Diameter with Jon Lewinsohn. The pair met while working at credit fund Anchorage roughly a decade ago, starting Diameter in 2017. Investing across credit markets, it has become known as one of the most prolific hedge funds in recent years.

Goodwin’s first boss working at Citi was Jim Zelter, now co-president of Apollo. Both Goodwin and Lewinsohn also had a long-held relationship with John Zito, Apollo’s deputy chief investment officer, cemented after Apollo supported Diameter’s entry into issuing collateralised debt obligations. 

“A lot of people talk about it but there has been very little CLO M&A,” said Leas at Apollo. “The price sellers expect to be paid is not typically attractive to firms like ours when we can just either issue our own deals or seed other managers. A tie-up is a far more likely way to launch a CLO manager these days.”



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'It’s more than sport – every day we are fighting for our rights to be equal’

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French pro basketball player and podcaster Diandra Tchatchouang on her role beyond the court



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Emily Dean on how allyship amplifies the female experience on film

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When I was six years old, I decided to be an artist. When I was 12, I decided to be a filmmaker. And instead of saying no, you can’t do that, or it’s not possible, my mum bought me a video camera.

After several years of working in the industry, I’m working with a female director for the first time. And it’s been such a gratifying experience. Women express leadership in different ways. Maybe you don’t have to be the loudest person in the room. But you can have great ideas.

And the best thing about being mentored by women and being a mentor to women is that make friends with women.

There’s something so powerful the women coming alongside other women, especially in a group setting. Because it means that you can and back each other up. You can support each other’s decisions, and you can amplify each other’s voices.

It’s about seeing yourself in your work. Seeing some part of yourself reflected is really gratifying. It’s also important that we speak up for female characters. I want to see girls and women on screen who have the whole cacophony of experience of what it’s like to be female.

I want to see their flaws. I want to feel their struggles. I want to see their joy. That is so important to making a character feel real. And it took me a little while to settle into myself and realise, if the characters I like to come up with are not your everyday run of the mill characters you see in animation, that’s fine. Because this is who I am.

When you walk into a story room, when you’re working on a film, you have to leave your ego at the door. I think that can be interpreted like keep your ego out of the work. But I’d also say for women who are maybe more shy that leaving your ego at the door means you walk in. And your job is to focus on what’s best for the story and for the film.

The story needs you. The film needs you, and it needs your best ideas. It won’t thrive unless you speak up.



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Crimea ‘water war’ opens new front in Russia-Ukraine conflict

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When a cyclone drenched Crimea in rainfall last month, rivers burst their banks and thousands of people in the Russia-annexed peninsula had to be evacuated from the floods.

The silver lining to the deluge was that the rains also filled Crimea’s depleted reservoirs, temporarily alleviating a crisis brought on by an extended drought and a Ukrainian blockade of the Soviet-built canal that previously provided up to 85 per cent of the peninsula’s water supplies.

Moscow’s struggle to supply Crimea’s 2.4m residents with fresh water has become a flashpoint in an undeclared war, seven years after Russian troops seized Crimea from Ukraine. An even longer conflict between Kyiv and Russian-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine has claimed more than 14,000 lives.

Russia has accused Ukraine of “genocide” over the building of a concrete dam across the North Crimean Canal, in addition to the existing sandbag and earth dam that was built in 2014. Kyiv fears that Moscow is plotting a military incursion to secure water flows from the nearby Dnipro river.

Coupled with surging food prices and international isolation because of western sanctions, the water shortages threaten to undermine President Vladimir Putin’s promise of a better life for Crimeans under Russian rule.

Though state-run pollsters claim Putin remains more popular in Crimea than on average across Russia, the patriotic fervour that sent his approval ratings to record levels after the 2014 annexation has long since subsided.

Map showing Ukraine and the North Crimean Canal, Crimea

“The water reserves and fields have dried up,” said Viktor, 47, a Crimean who regularly travels to Ukraine for work. “Each year it’s getting worse and worse. We didn’t have this problem before annexation,” he said, adding that most Crimeans blamed Ukraine for the crisis.

A $3.7bn bridge across the Kerch Strait linking Crimea with mainland Russia has become a conduit for trucks ferrying water for locals to take away in plastic containers. Popular Black Sea tourist resorts can turn on their taps for just a few hours a day during peak droughts, while the canal has filled with grass and weeds.

Crimea’s agricultural output has fallen owing to a lack of irrigation, making it all but impossible to grow water-intensive crops such as rice.

Construction of the canal began in 1957 after the Soviet Union transferred the arid peninsula to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic to manage rebuilding after the second world war. The waterway allowed for the cultivation of arable land and helped transform Crimea into a haven for tourists.

“The canal symbolises the stupidity of the Kremlin in occupying Crimea. They didn’t weigh the consequences at a moment of electoral euphoria that was fed by their own propaganda,” said Oleksiy Reznikov, Ukraine’s deputy prime minister in charge of reintegration policies for the occupied territories.

“Why didn’t you think about water?” he asked.

The North Crimean Canal is seen with a low level of water
The severely depleted North Crimean Canal previously provided up to 85% of the peninsula’s water supplies © Pierre Crom/Getty

Workers collect potatoes on the North Crimean Canal
Workers collect potatoes on the North Crimean Canal. Ukraine blocked the irrigation channel after Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea © Pierre Crom/Getty

Russia, while pressing Ukraine to reopen the waterway, has launched a Rbs50bn ($680m) programme to bolster Crimea’s supplies, repairing crumbling infrastructure, drilling wells, adding storage and desalination capacity.

Russian prosecutors last week filed a lawsuit in the European Court of Human Rights accusing Ukraine of “flagrant violations” over the issue. Crimea’s governor plans to file a separate complaint demanding up to Rbs1.5tn in compensation.

“Kyiv has essentially used Crimea’s infrastructure dependence on Ukraine, which came about in the Soviet era, as a weapon of mass destruction against all Crimeans. The water blockade is an act of state terrorism and ecocide, but the international community is failing to notice the Kyiv regime’s crimes,” Sergei Aksyonov, the peninsula’s governor, said in written comments to the Financial Times.

Reznikov said Russia, as the occupation force, was responsible under the Geneva Conventions for securing water and other basic needs for local the population. Ukraine has filed its own multi-billion-dollar claims against Russia, citing losses caused by what it describes as an illegal land grab.

With tensions rising, Russia deployed tens of thousands of troops and advanced weapons to Crimea this spring, as well as to the border of the two breakaway eastern regions where Moscow-backed separatists have battled government troops into an eighth year.

Col Kyrylo Budanov, chief of Ukraine’s army intelligence unit, said Russia was looking to seize the canal as well as adjacent territory to connect Crimea with the breakaway regions. Russian troops could advance on Nova Kakhovka, the Dnipro river town where the canal begins.

Some Crimean Tatars, an indigenous ethnic group whose members largely opposed Russia’s annexation, have set up a makeshift camp near the dams to make sure the water flow does not resume.

A Crimean Tatar activist on the North Crimean Canal
A Crimean Tatar activist enters his base on the North Crimean Canal. Tatars have set up camp to make sure the water flow does not resume © Pierre Crom/Getty

A Ukraine military vehicle drives past a Soviet monument marking the entrance to Brylivka
A Ukraine military vehicle drives past a Soviet monument marking the entrance to Brylivka, a village on the North Crimean Canal © Pierre Crom/Getty

“It will be a full-scale war,” said a 55-year-old activist who gave his name as Alibaba. He said he and his fellow activists were willing to take up arms to defend the blockaded canal. “There will be nowhere to hide in these fields. Let them try,” he added.

At the Kalanchak border crossing near the new dam, Russian and Ukrainian troops have dug trench positions a few hundred meters apart.

Tensions have also flared in the Black Sea, not just with Ukraine but also with western navies. Russia fired warning shots in the path of a British destroyer sailing through contested waters off Crimea last month. Sevastopol, Crimea’s largest city, is home to Russia’s Black Sea fleet.

Moscow has insisted it would not go to war over Crimea’s water supplies, even as it conceded that Ukraine was unlikely to restore them. “All these hysterical statements from Ukrainian politicians are completely baseless — they’re just stupid, aggressive propaganda aimed at inciting hatred between the Russian and Ukrainian people. There won’t be any ‘water war’,” Crimea governor Aksyonov said.

Reznikov, the Ukrainian minister, said Kyiv was ready to provide Crimea with humanitarian assistance, including drinking water, which it already does for the separatist-run eastern territories, but no request had been made.

“For Russia to admit they’re weak is very difficult . . . it would amount to an admission that they made the wrong decision,” he said.



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