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The smiling ex-general who has become Indonesia’s ‘Mr Fixit’



When Donald Trump was furiously contesting his election defeat in the courts, the then US president still found time for at least one foreign visitor to the Oval Office.

Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan, Indonesia’s minister for maritime affairs and investment, was given the red carpet treatment by the Trump family late last year, extracting what he claimed was a promise of $2bn in funding for Indonesia’s first sovereign wealth fund.

The apparent financial backing might be moot, following Mr Trump’s departure from office last week. But for Indonesians, the episode underlined the remarkable networking ability of one of south-east Asia’s leading political dealmakers, who has become Indonesian President Joko Widodo’s “minister of everything”.

From raising funds for the sovereign wealth fund to coordinating one of the world’s biggest vaccination programmes, the mustachioed former general has become the government’s Mr Fixit.

“President Jokowi remains the main political figure in terms of palace politics and cabinet day-to-day activities,” said Philips Vermonte, executive director at CSIS Indonesia, a think-tank. “But Pak [Mr] Luhut is a fixer, a doer. Whatever task is given to him, he seems to be able to deliver.” 

Mr Pandjaitan, centre, at the close of the IMF and World Bank annual meetings in Bali in October 2018 © Goh Chai Hin/AFP/Getty

A Christian born on the island of Sumatra, he saw combat as a young officer during the 1975 invasion of the former Portuguese colony of East Timor by the late Indonesian dictator Suharto. Now 73, he once described how some of his men had soiled their trousers as they prepared to parachute into the capital, Dili, kicking off a war that cost an estimated 100,000 lives.

Mr Pandjaitan rose to general and became a minister after Indonesia started its transition to democracy in 1998, before leaving politics to set up his own business. His interests include timber, property, palm oil, coal mining and energy.

In 2008, he met Mr Widodo, then a city mayor, and helped finance his victorious presidential election campaign in 2014. Two years later, while he was briefly minister of mines and energy, he sold a controlling stake in his coal unit, Toba Bara, for an undisclosed amount to a Singapore-based company whose ultimate buyers remain unidentified.

The lack of details on the sale “has left unanswered questions which are an important matter of public interest”, said Global Witness, a campaign group. The ministry of maritime affairs and investment said the buyers are “a non-related party to Mr Pandjaitan and/or Toba”.

Mr Widodo, who came to power promising to tackle Indonesia’s endemic corruption, has continued to load Mr Pandjaitan with new responsibilities throughout. Not only is the ex-general involved in the vaccine drive and the sovereign wealth fund, he is also courting investors for a planned $31bn new capital city.

Speaking with China’s premier Li Keqiang, right, in Beijing in April 2018 © Naohiko Hatta/Kyodo News/Getty

On the international stage, Mr Pandjaitan was pictured in October tapping elbows with Wang Yi, China’s foreign affairs minister, as Jakarta sought Chinese vaccines. Only a year earlier, he had led Indonesia’s response to the incursion of Chinese fishing boats in waters claimed by Jakarta near the South China Sea.

Fluent in English after studying in the US, the former general’s connection with the Trump administration is through Jared Kushner, Mr Trump’s son-in-law, whom he met at the White House at least two years ago. “We maintained this [relationship] so we can talk over the phone or maybe [on] WhatsApp,” Mr Pandjaitan told the Financial Times last year.

The dialogue between the pair became “the main bilateral relationship between DC and Jakarta”, said Aaron Connelly, a research fellow at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, a think-tank.

Mr Trump’s family also has business interests in Indonesia. Donald Trump Jr, the former president’s son and executive vice-president of the Trump Organization, last year launched two Trump-branded resorts in the south-east Asian country.

It remains to be seen, however, whether Mr Pandjaitan will be able to replicate these close ties with the White House under Joe Biden, the US’s new president.

And for all Mr Pandjaitan’s rising status, analysts say he probably will never be president of Indonesia. The Muslim majority country would be unlikely to vote for a Christian leader.

But as long as Mr Widodo is in power, he is expected to be the president’s de facto prime minister, with cameo roles in defence, foreign affairs and international investment.

“I think for him it’s just a power thing,” said an Indonesian politician who is familiar with Mr Pandjaitan. “Right now he can have a lot of power without really playing the politics of it . . . That’s where he wants to be.”

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Emerging Markets

A harrowing brush with Covid as India is ravaged




As a foreign correspondent, my job is to tell India’s stories, not be part of them. But when I started feeling feverish while writing an article about Covid-19 vaccine policy last month, I had a gut feeling that the Sars-Cov-2 virus had found me.

I hoped it was exhaustion that I’d sleep off but the next day, still feverish, I was urged to take a Covid test. A leading diagnostic lab chain, which earlier had run an efficient home-testing service, had stopped answering its phones and responding to online requests. But a doctor friend persuaded one of the lab’s phlebotomists to collect my sample. Two days later, the results confirmed I was part of the ferocious coronavirus wave battering India and pushing its healthcare system to breaking point.

Over the following days, my physical symptoms remained mild. But it was still harrowing to be sick from a notoriously unpredictable virus knowing that drugs, hospital beds and oxygen were scarce. I suffered constant anxiety knowing I’d struggle to get medical help if I took a turn for the worse.

I quickly discovered that I’d been so focused on avoiding infection that I had no clue what to do once sick. A friend connected me to a Kolkata-based infectious disease specialist, who felt I was at low risk for severe illness. I’d had the first dose of a Covid vaccine 10 days before my fever started. But the doctor urged me to treat the illness aggressively from the start, given the chaos at hospitals.

He prescribed the antiviral drug, favipiravir, now undergoing clinical trials in the UK as a potential Covid-19 therapy but already approved in India for emergency use. Many of his patients had taken it, he said, and none suffered severely, including people in their 90s.

Normally, I’m reluctant to medicate. I knew favipiravir’s effectiveness as a coronavirus treatment wasn’t yet scientifically validated. But with hospitals turning away ailing patients, the logic of taking an experimental drug made sense. The challenge, I discovered, was to get hold of it.

I called five pharmacies, but all had run out of stock. A friend called six more to no avail. I panicked — the doctor wanted me to start the drug fast and Delhi was hours from the start of a weekend curfew. Then a friend, who’d heard I was Covid-19 positive, called.

“I’m looking for this drug,” I told her. “Any idea where I can get it?” She said she’d check. It turned out that people with foresight had prepared small emergency drug stashes. Her friend had such a stash and was willing to share it.

I was elated to get the pills to start treatment that night. But it wasn’t enough for the prescribed course. Days later I spent hours calling pharmacies in an unsuccessful hunt for more, before finally begging an industry friend to help.

My difficulties pale in comparison with the desperation, anger and grief beyond my sickroom. My Twitter feed was filled with pleas for hospital beds, oxygen cylinders, the antiviral remdesivir, plasma or a place in an intensive care unit. Top hospitals begged on Twitter for refills of dwindling oxygen supplies. Friends and many professional contacts were fighting for their lives. Doctor friends were weeping with impotent rage.

There was much grim news of death. A former Indian ambassador died after hours waiting in a hospital parking lot for admission; inpatients whose oxygen ran out; a top politician’s 34-year-old son, young journalists. Crematoriums struggled with an unprecedented flow of bodies.

I decided I had to tune out of the unfolding crisis, to ensure my physical recovery and to protect my mental health. I stopped checking Twitter. Newspapers piled up, unread.

Once I felt better and tuned back, I saw Narendra Modi’s government had cynically expanded eligibility for vaccination to all over the age of 18, despite an acute shortage of jabs.

And with thousands dying daily, often for want of medical help, the health minister was callously citing dubious official data to claim India’s Covid fatality rate was lower than richer countries — hardly consolation to grief-stricken families.

Today, I’ve recovered from my encounter with the virus. It will take far longer to get over the trauma of watching this calamity engulf the place I call home.

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Indian foreign minister self-isolates after Covid cases detected in G7 delegation




India’s foreign minister on Wednesday said that he was self-isolating after two members of the country’s delegation to the G7 meetings in London tested positive for coronavirus.

The face-to-face meetings in the UK capital began on Monday and are scheduled to end on Wednesday. Representatives from G7 countries such as Canada, Germany and France are attending alongside Australia and India as the UK seeks to strengthen its ties within the Indo-Pacific region.

Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, India’s external affairs minister, confirmed on Twitter that he was informed on Tuesday evening that he had been exposed to a possible Covid-19 case.

“As a measure of abundant caution and also out of consideration for others, I decided to conduct my engagements in the virtual mode,” he added. It is understood that the rest of the Indian delegation will self- isolate for the remainder of the G7 meetings.

Jaishankar held a socially distanced meeting with UK home secretary Priti Patel on Tuesday, where two agreed on a “migration and mobility deal” which will provide a “bespoke route” for young professionals from India looking to live and work in the UK. He met Antony Blinken, the US secretary of state, earlier this week.

“We deeply regret that foreign minister Jaishankar will be unable to attend the meeting today in person,” a senior UK diplomat said. “(He) will now attend virtually, but this is exactly why we have put in place strict Covid protocols and daily testing.”

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Blinken rejects claims of ‘cold war’ between US and China




America’s top diplomat Antony Blinken has rejected claims the US is entering a cold war with China during a visit to London to discuss with G7 counterparts how best to respond to the challenges posed by Beijing.

In an interview with Financial Times editor Roula Khalaf for The Global Boardroom, Blinken said he resisted “putting labels on most relationships including this one, because it’s complex”.

“This is not about initiating a cold war, this is all about doing our part to make sure that democracy is strong, resilient, and meeting the needs of its people,” he said, referring to Washington’s intention to hold a “democracy summit” later in the year.

Joe Biden, US president, has promised to “win” the 21st century in what he has portrayed as a “battle” between democracies and autocracies and has pointed to Chinese activities that the US says are damaging the international order.

Relations between the US and China deteriorated under the Trump administration and the countries remain at loggerheads over security, human rights, intellectual property, and rules governing trade and commerce.

“We’re not asking countries to choose [between the US and China],” Blinken added in remarks at the FT Live event on Tuesday, which were broadcast after G7 countries opened their meeting with a session on China.

Ahead of the event, a US state department official said the G7 session on Tuesday morning was intended to be a forum to discuss how to work closely with allies and partners to address shared challenges from a position of strength.

Antony Blinken, US secretary of state, far right, is meeting with G7 leaders in London to discuss how best to respond to the challenges posed by Beijing © Stefan Rousseau/Pool/Getty

Blinken said the US recognised that countries have complicated relationships, including with China, and that the US did not believe other countries’ economic relationships with Beijing “need to be cut off or ended”. However, he said the US wanted to foster and protect basic rules governing commerce, the environment, intellectual property and technology.

Biden has surprised many foreign policy experts by taking an approach to China that has more in common than not with the harsh stance taken by former president Donald Trump. One big difference has been a significant effort to work with US allies and partners to create more leverage to deal with Beijing.

His approach has been welcomed by allies in Asia, such as Japan and Australia. But there is concern in the EU about the bloc being caught between the US and China, particularly in Germany.

Angela Merkel, German chancellor, has said the EU and the US do not agree on everything and that it was “absolutely clear” that their interests were “not identical” when it came to China.

The G7 comprises the US, Canada, UK, France, Germany, Italy and Japan, and this year the UK has also invited Australia, India, South Korea, Brunei and South Africa to attend as guests.

Biden recently convened the first leader-level meeting of the Quad — a group that includes the US, Japan, India and Australia — as part of this effort to work with allies to counter Beijing.

Evan Medeiros, professor of Asian studies at Georgetown University, said the Biden team’s engagement with the G7 formed part of its effort to assemble coalitions to tackle the China challenge.

He said the administration was pursuing the right strategy by saying the US did not want a cold war and did not want countries to pick sides, but he added: “The reality is everybody is going to have to make choices when it comes to China.”

But Bonnie Glaser, Asia programme director at the German Marshall Fund of the US, highlighted concerns among some that Washington’s stance was “too aggressive and too confrontational”.

“I definitely have the impression that the Germans and some other Europeans are really quite unhappy about the US approach to China,” she said.

In March, the US, EU, UK and Canada co-ordinated the imposition of sanctions on Chinese officials over the country’s treatment of Uyghur Muslims in the western Xinjiang region, triggering retaliatory sanctions from Beijing.

Biden administration officials including Blinken frame the future of the US relationship with China as “competitive, collaborative and adversarial”, depending on the issue in question.

Washington wants to co-operate with Beijing on foreign policy issues including Iran, North Korea and climate change while also defending US interests in the military, technological and economic spheres and pushing back on human rights abuses in Hong Kong and Xinjiang.

Blinken said that “a democratic recession around the world” had occurred over the past 15 years, but admitted the US had its own challenges “visible for the world to see” when it comes to democracy, in a thinly veiled reference to the disputed presidential election and January 6 Capitol attacks.

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