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Asia plays the long game on Covid vaccine rollout



Asia has led the world in controlling the spread of Covid-19, but that very success has set the region behind the US and Europe in the race to vaccinate against the disease.

In countries with limited coronavirus outbreaks, regulators have been happy to let westerners act as guinea pigs for hastily approved jabs, while in others, the low level of Covid-19 cases means that locally developed vaccines have struggled to complete clinical trials.

Asia’s vaccine caution contrasts with fervent enthusiasm in the US and Europe, where coronavirus infection is raging and authorities have made it a point of pride to grant approvals quickly.

The differing approaches raise the prospect of a world where some nations are vaccinated and others are not, which could affect the speed of economic recovery and hinder international travel.

In countries such as South Korea, Vietnam and Australia, controlled outbreaks make vaccination a choice rather than a necessity.

“We are coping with Covid-19 relatively well so we don’t have to begin vaccination in a hurry when the risks have not been verified yet,” said Park Neung-hoo, South Korean health minister.

Seoul has signed deals for 20m doses each from AstraZeneca, Pfizer and Moderna, plus another 4m doses from Johnson & Johnson. Although inoculations could start in the first half of next year, South Korean health experts said widespread vaccinations were unlikely until next autumn, because the country has to go through its own safety checks.

“We had better secure the volume [of jabs] in advance, but begin vaccinations [only] after monitoring any possible side effects from inoculations abroad for two to three months,” said Mr Park.

Australia and Vietnam are in a similar position, with only a handful of Covid-19 cases a day. Regulators said they were happy to wait for more safety data.

“Frankly, the work done in the UK will give Australia and the world very important data, very important lessons, both on the rollout and the efficacy of this particular vaccine, but vaccines more generally,” said Greg Hunt, Australia’s health minister.

Canberra has signed deals for four separate vaccines, including the Pfizer/BioNTech jab, with enough doses to cover its population thrice over. But Mr Hunt said vaccinations would only begin in March if the national regulator deemed them safe and effective.

Australia has recorded few coronavirus cases, making vaccination a choice rather than a necessity © Reuters

Even if they wanted to start inoculations sooner, countries cannot do so until they have a supply of vaccines. One paradox of Asia’s success in controlling the pandemic has been that not enough people have fallen ill to prove that local vaccines work.

In Japan and South Korea, vaccine candidates have yet to start phase 3 trials and are unlikely to be ready before 2022. Chinese vaccines were among the first to enter clinical trials but fell behind over the summer as they entered the final stage of testing.

Large-scale phase 3 trials require the jabs to be administered in a population where the virus is still spreading, so China’s early effort to eradicate the virus within its borders made trials of sufficient scale near impossible.

Instead, Chinese developers brokered deals to carry out trials in more than a dozen host countries — including Brazil, Indonesia, Pakistan and Russia — often in exchange for promises of early access to vaccines once they were ready.

Stacked bar chart showing vaccine pre-orders to December 1 in doses per capita

The delays mean that Chinese vaccines have not yet reached the threshold for regulatory approval. Last week, the United Arab Emirates moved closer to approving a vaccine developed by Sinopharm after interim analysis showed 86 per cent efficacy against infection, a breakthrough for the largest Chinese coronavirus vaccine manufacturer.

Jerome Kim, director-general of the International Vaccine Institute, a Seoul-based multilateral organisation, said the UAE announcement was encouraging but raised questions about the underlying data.

“It’s going to be really important for [Chinese vaccine developers] to make data public,” he said.

Beijing-based Sinovac has also begun exporting its vaccines and delivered 1.2m doses to Indonesia last week, with another 1.8m expected in January.

Indonesia falls into a separate category of poorer but highly populous Asian countries, which also includes India and the Philippines, where Covid-19 is prevalent. There, the challenge is to procure a vaccine and distribute it.

A healthcare worker collects a swab sample from a resident at a mobile Covid-19 testing facility in Jakarta © Bloomberg

Indonesia has secured 155.5m doses of Covid-19 vaccines: 125.5m from Sinovac and 30m from US company Novavax. Jakarta is in talks to procure an additional 116m doses from Pfizer, AstraZeneca and the World Health Organization’s Covax programme.

Indonesian state-owned pharmaceutical company Bio Farma is conducting phase 3 clinical trials on the Sinovac jab in the city of Bandung. Bio Farma said it would submit an interim report on the clinical trials to authorities in January.

Apart from obtaining a sufficient supply of vaccine doses, Indonesia will also face significant distribution hurdles. The country spills across thousands of islands with often poor transport and infrastructure beyond urban centres.

“The government thinks the vaccine is the quick solution,” said Pandu Riono, epidemiology professor at the University of Indonesia. “But the vaccine itself doesn’t work if you don’t successfully deliver it to the people, and [that is] a complex job.”

Vaccinating just half of Indonesia’s population might take three to four years, he added.

Mr Pandu said Indonesia’s temperature-controlled supply chains were “not perfect” even in more developed provinces, and might struggle to accommodate the vaccines’ various temperature requirements.

Winning Indonesians’ trust to take Covid-19 vaccines could provide an additional challenge, Mr Pandu added, after the government’s poor job at containing the disease.

Reporting by Robin Harding in Tokyo, Song Jung-a in Seoul, Christian Shepherd in Beijing, Jamie Smyth in Sydney, Stefania Palma in Singapore and John Reed in Bangkok

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Emerging Markets

Central banks seek out riskier assets for reserves in yield drought




Central bankers who manage foreign currency reserves have been turning to new — and riskier — investments to compensate for the global collapse in bond yields ushered in by the pandemic, according to a new survey.

The annual poll of 78 reserve managers with a combined $6.4tn of assets found that the reduction in yields has presented the greatest challenge to these investors over the past year. For many, it has driven a shift into new asset classes including corporate bonds, emerging market bonds and equities.

Reserve managers are typically among the world’s most risk-averse investors, but they enjoy huge clout thanks to the more than $12tn they manage, according to the most recent IMF figures. This cash, accumulated by central banks to keep their currencies steady or to protect them in times of crisis, is generally parked in safe assets such as short-term government debt.

However, the survey carried out by Central Banking Publications suggests the pressure of low returns is forcing some to take on greater risk to preserve their capital. Bond yields around the world plummeted to record lows last year as central banks slashed interest rates and launched huge debt-buying programmes to combat the fallout from the pandemic. Although yields have since rebounded, they remain very low by historical standards.

Just over half of respondents to the survey said they were considering investing in new asset classes, while 44 per cent said they might add new currencies to their holdings. According to the IMF, 59 per cent of the world’s $12.7tn of foreign exchange reserves is held in US dollars, with most of the rest in euros, yen or sterling.

The survey also found that 42 per cent were considering inflation-linked bonds and 23 per cent were looking at adding to their holdings of gold.

Another reserve manager from the Americas said they had increased holdings of Chinese bonds, inflation-linked bonds and gold, adding “we are always willing to look into opportunities to make our reserves more efficient in terms of risk/ return”.

Central banks, like many investors, have been struggling with falling bond yields for the past decade, resulting in a global “hunt for yield” that has buoyed riskier assets. Many of the safest bonds offer negative returns once inflation is taken into account, while in Japan and the eurozone negative nominal yields are also commonplace.

The survey highlights “the challenge of capital preservation faced by the large number of reserve managers who hold predominantly short duration portfolios in highly rated government securities”, said Bernard Altschuler, head of central bank coverage at HSBC.

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Israel conflict rattles rapprochement with Arab countries




When the United Arab Emirates shocked the Arab world by normalising relations with Israel it said the move would help ease the protracted Arab-Israeli conflict. But nine months later, the wealthy Gulf state finds itself in a difficult position as its newest ally bombards the impoverished Palestinian territory of Gaza.

Israeli war planes and artillery have been pounding Gaza while Hamas, the group that controls the territory, has fired rockets into Israel. On Sunday morning, death toll in Gaza stood at 181, including 83 women and children, local health officials said.

Ten people have died inside Israel, including two children, local medics have said.

While almost a third of Arab countries now have relations with Israel, this week’s bloodshed shows that diplomatic ties ushered in by last year’s so-called Abraham Accords have given them little leverage and done nothing to ease the root cause of the protracted crisis — the Jewish state’s conflict with the Palestinians.

“They [the UAE] are clearly in a very difficult position. On one hand, the UAE’s interests with Israel are long term and strategic, so ideally their relations should be resilient to shocks,” said Cinzia Bianco, a visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations. “At the same time, the UAE obviously claimed that the Abraham Accords would give them leverage to also support the Palestinians and rein in Israel’s aggressions against them.”

So far, Israel has rejected all international efforts pushing for a ceasefire. But Bianco said Abu Dhabi could still deploy diplomatic leverage to pressure the Jewish state to limit the scale of its retaliation. Such intervention, however, could jeopardise progress on joint projects of strategic value to the UAE, she added. 

Recent collaborations include plans for Emirati and Israeli defence manufacturers to develop a system to counter drones.

The normalisation of relations between Israel and the UAE under the Abraham Accords was quickly followed by similar moves from Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco, that marked a radical departure from the established Arab stance towards the Jewish state.

The Arab position before the accords was that they would recognise Israel only if there was a just settlement with the Palestinians that led to the creation of a viable Palestinian state. The transactional deals brokered by the Trump administration, which pursued an overtly pro-Israel stance, left the Palestinians feeling isolated and betrayed. Critics said Arab states had given up a bargaining tool and gained little in return, warning the moves would be exploited by more militant Palestinian factions.

Like other members of the Arab League, the UAE endorsed an appeal on Tuesday to the International Criminal Court to “investigate war crimes and crimes against humanity” committed by Israel against the Palestinians.

“The UAE stands with the rights of Palestinians, for the end of the Israeli occupation and with a two-state solution with an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital,” said Anwar Gargash, diplomatic adviser to the UAE president, this week. “This is a historic and principled position that does not budge.”

The UAE foreign ministry was last month quick to condemn Israeli plans to evict Palestinians from their homes on land claimed by Israeli settlers. And when clashes broke out between armed Israeli police and rock-throwing Palestinian youths, the UAE urged Israeli authorities to reduce tensions.

The UAE’s clear public stance has given cover for Emiratis and residents in the autocratic state to condemn Israeli actions and express support for the Palestinians, after any local anger at the earlier decision to normalise relations was suppressed at the time. Apart from a fringe of Emirati online activists who have sided with Israel, most social media reaction — even from some ministers — has been pro-Palestinian.

“Normalisation [of relations] is irreversible but it is very difficult to defend and even talk about in these circumstances,” said Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, a Dubai-based political science professor.

After the UAE signed its accord, there was speculation about whether Saudi Arabia, Israel’s main prize, would follow suit. Like Abu Dhabi, Riyadh has been covertly co-operating with Israel on intelligence and security matters as they share the goal of countering Iran.

But this week’s Israeli assault on Gaza makes that appear ever more remote. Saudi foreign minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan on Sunday said the kingdom “categorically rejects the Israeli violations against Palestinians”, while calling for an immediate ceasefire. 

In Morocco, which established relations with the Jewish state in October in return for US recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the disputed territory of Western Sahara, the foreign ministry said it was watching events “with deep concern”.

In 2014, during the last major war between Israel and Hamas, thousands of protesters, including government ministers, took to the streets across Rabat, the capital. This time Moroccan police dispersed a small pro-Palestinian protest in the city this week. The newly formed Morocco-Israel Business Council was also reported to have postponed a virtual meeting aimed at encouraging Moroccan investment in Israel.

Public sentiment in the Arab world remained strongly pro-Palestinian, said HA Hellyer, senior associate fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “The absence of protests isn’t an absence of the desire to protest but an absence of permission to protest.”

Restrictions on freedom of speech across the region made it harder to gauge the extent of public anger, Hellyer said, but social media and the extensive coverage on mainstream television showed the “Palestinian question” was still close to Arabs’ hearts.

“Almost half of the messages I received on Thursday for the religious festival marking the end of Ramadan, show pictures of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem,” he added.

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Chilean voters prepare to elect country’s constitutional legislators




Chile will this weekend vote in the legislators who will draw up its new constitution, with the country’s centre-right government facing a battle to maintain its grip on power ahead of a presidential election in November.

Gubernatorial, mayoral and municipal polls that were postponed because of the pandemic will also take place on Saturday and Sunday, alongside the election to populate the constitutional assembly.

Chile has not been spared the coronavirus second wave that has hit Latin America despite it having the highest vaccination rates in the region. Confirmed infections reached their highest ever level last month, although numbers have since declined.

“Chile is doing several historic and unprecedented things at the same time . . . in the middle of the economic and health crisis brought on by Covid-19,” said Robert Funk, a political scientist.

The most important vote will select members of the constituent assembly charged with rewriting the constitution drawn up during the 1973-90 dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet — which most Chileans regard as illegitimate.

Nearly four-fifths of voters opted in favour of reforming the constitution in a referendum in November.

“These elections will probably define Chile’s institutional course over the coming decades,” said Gloria de la Fuente of Chile’s transparency council. “The vote will have a profound effect on Chile’s political system and civil society . . . electing the authorities to bring the country’s agenda forward.”

Yet turnover is predicted to be lower than the referendum. Some 58 per cent of Chileans who took part in a recent Ipsos poll said they were less likely to vote due to the pandemic, while less than half knew they would be voting for four different positions.

Chile has in recent decades become one of Latin America’s wealthiest nations, even if the deep inequality that sparked widespread social unrest in 2019 is far from resolved.

The low approval ratings for President Sebastián Piñera since those demonstrations have been exacerbated by defeats for his government in Congress, notably over pensions reform.

While the leftwing coalition that dominated Chile for most of the past 30 years has disintegrated since Piñera returned to power in 2018, his unpopularity could allow the left and centre-left to secure the two-thirds majority in the constituent assembly required to pass each article of the new document.

“If the right gets more than 30 per cent [in the assembly], it will be a tremendous victory,” said Lucia Dammert, a sociologist at the University of Santiago.

Despite the relative success of its vaccine rollout, Chile has been hard hit by the coronavirus crisis. Last summer’s peak of a weekly average of 352 daily cases per million was surpassed last month, reaching 383. Cases have since fallen back to about 280 cases per million.

However, Piñera’s government has been able to offer more generous Covid-related subsidies than most other countries in the region.

A feature of this weekend’s polls has been the emergence of independent candidates, Dammert said. Yet although the traditional parties had been badly wounded by the political turmoil, it would be “an uphill battle” for the independents to gain recognition, she said.

There are also wild cards such as Pablo Maltes — husband of Pamela Jiles, a populist presidential hopeful — who is running for governor of the metropolitan region of the capital Santiago.

“If Maltes wins, then there’s definitely something going on with Jiles,” said Funk, as it would suggest she was a strong contender for the presidency.

Jiles, who has championed measures to withdraw funds from Chile’s vaunted private pension system, is one of a number of presidential hopefuls, with no single candidate on the right or left enjoying a clear lead.

Electoral reform under the previous leftwing government of Michelle Bachelet that increased proportional representation means Chileans will for the first time also elect regional governors in a country where power has traditionally resided firmly in Santiago. The elections will also renew nearly a third of local authorities.

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